Indonesia- ludicrous sentences and a disgraced government

Many racists and bigots will make at least some attempt to mask their prejudices, covering hatred with a facade of tolerance and balance.  But this is not the case when it comes to the regime of Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who seems to flaunt bigotry and persecution with a kind of twisted pride.

Of course it has long been clear that his authorities have relegated certain groups under their control – most prominently Papuans, Ahmadis and Christians – to the status of second class human beings.  Official persecution, formal hate speech and impunity for those carrying out attacks against the maligned communities, have always been part of Yudhoyono’s programme for government.  Yet two legal decisions carried by his corrupt court system over recent weeks have underscored just how little the president or any of his fellow thugs care for Indonesia’s reputation when it comes to such matters.

At the start of August, the court case of three soldiers involved in the horrific and brutal torture of civilians in occupied West Papua reached its conclusion.  The crime involved burning, cutting and beating a priest by the name of Kindeman Gere, along with another innocent man, whilst recording the whole incident on mobile phones.  It concluded with the summary execution of Kindeman Gere and the subsequent decapitation of his body.

The soldiers were found guilty of insubordination and handed sentances sentences ranging from six to fifteen months.  

The unbelievable and sickening decision to send such violent murders to prison for less than one-and-a-half years is even more outrageous considering that under Indonesian law Papuans who peacefully fly their own flag are regularly detained and can face life sentences.

Being known as the regime that allows its soldiers to literally get away with murder was not however, anywhere near enough for Yudhoyono, whose judiciary went on to make an equally abhorrent decision regarding another barbaric incident captured on video.  This time the case related to the mob killing of three Ahmadyyia Muslims in February, following years of hatred whipped up and encouraged by the authorities. 

Yet this week’s sentence was not for anyone involved in the killings: it was for one of the mob’s victims who managed to escape.  Prompting outcry from governments and rights groups around the world, the court ruled that Deden Sudjana had injured one of the one-thousand-plus extremists who were beating his co-religionists to death and that he had refused the orders of police to leave the scene (most likely in an ill-fated attempt to help the dying men).  As if another layer of lunacy was needed, his sentence is six months imprisonment – equivalent to the maximum sentence handed to the twelve people convicted for their part in the killings (it is worth noting that despite video evidence of the Ahmadyyia men being smashed, kicked and stamped on, none of these twelve convicted mob-members were found guilty of murder and many received just three month sentences.)

With these two verdicts the Yudhoyono regime has set out its stall once and for all: it will not try to hide its bigotry, its racism or its crimes.  Those deemed to be second-class will continue to be persecuted and to be killed.  Those responsible for the persecution and the killings will walk away with nothing more than a ceremonial slap on the wrist.  And those who oppose the status quo will face the force of the authorities.

The disgraced Indonesian state –where victims are locked up and murderers walk free- is as horrific as it is surreal.  It is time for the international community to step up and hold to account those who strip Indonesia’s minorities of their rights…and it is time for the Indonesian people to step up and hold to account the tyrants who have shamed their nation.

Technorati Tags: Indonesia,Yudhoyono,Ahmadyyia,West Papua,mob killing,torture,Deden Sudjana,Kindeman Gere,persecution,court,sentances

Egypt - so much for the afterglow

The scenes in Egypt over the past week could not have been further removed from the outpouring of euphoria the followed Hosni Mubarak's downfall back in February. The sectarian strife has been a grim throwback to his authoritarian era, when government-incited persecution of Coptic Christians was followed by meaningless judicial scapegoating of individuals in order to alleviate criticism from the international community. In an all too familiar pattern the recent events began with rumour and accusation -namely that a convert to Islam was being held against her will at a Christian Church. Extremist mobs rapidly attacked and set fire to the building, provoking riots which cost the lives of twelve people and injured over two hundred more. Ominously and counter-productively, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces- which rules the country as a transitional government, responded by promising an "iron fist" approach and rounding up one hundred and ninety people to bring before a military court. The post-revolutionary honeymoon period is clearly over.

In many ways this has not come as a surprise. The military is still full of Mubarak's appointees and has been quick to detain dissidents and utilise torture ever since taking command. We would have been naive to expect an overnight change from the old system of the state failing to prevent sectarian violence, then jack-booting in to bring people before rigged trials in the aftermath. This approach allows those in power to provide a kind of 'safety valve' to extremists, without allowing them enough space gather momentum or seize control; and having kept Mubarak in place for three decades, will surely seem an attractive option to his former comrades. It is also obvious that sectarian fanaticism has been rife since the collapse of the old system; the radical Salfist movement has committed numerous attacks on the Coptic and Sufi communities including maiming people and burning shrines. This combination of authoritarianism and extremism presents the 'new Egypt' with the same horrendous dilemmas - and destruction - that the old state faced.

Nevertheless, there are reasons for optimism, as whilst the worst trends in Egyptian society have continued so too have the best. The amazing inter-community solidarity that was obvious both before and during the revolution, has once again manifested itself in huge unity marches. Inspired by the success of peaceful protest in bringing down Mubarak, those involved in organising such initiatives and tackling the minority of extremist bigots have gone from strength to strength. Those days in Tahrir Square during early 2011 broke down many barriers between religions, classes and genders- the powerful message of one united Egypt has never been so loud. This is nothing short of esstential -both to swaying communities away from violence and to putting pressure on the authorties for protection, prevention and proportional counter-measures.

Just over one hundred days on from the triumph of the revolution, sectarianism is just one of the many problems Egypt faces - along with serious unemployment and massive political uncertainty. The time for celebrating has unarguably long-since passed and the time for hard work rebuilding the country will continue far into the future. The Egyptian people were capable of bringing down a thirty year dictatorship in eighteen days, the aftermath will be an even bigger challenge.

Blasphemy and death in Pakistan

Nearly three weeks on from the callous murder of Shahbaz Bhatti, minority communities in Pakistan are still mourning the loss of their most prominent and determined advocate. For over two decades Bhatti had fought relentlessly to overturn oppressive blasphemy laws, end religious apartheid and create a pluralistic, tolerant state. His All Pakistan Minorities Alliance combined patriotism with respect for the traditions, beliefs and cultures of all Pakistani groups and his appointment as Minister for Minorities Affairs in 2008 led to genuine advances – including a quota for minorities in government jobs and reserved seats for minorities in the Senate, despite opposition from the rest of the government and numerous extremist groups.

Ultimately though, he knew that these successes would cost him his life and on March 2nd the worst fears of Ahmadis, Christians, Hindus, Shiites, Zikiris and other Pakistani minorities came to pass. Since then the violence has only continued, with the mysterious death of a Christian held in custody on charges of blasphemy and the unprovoked murder of an Ahmadiyya in Sindh Province being amongst the more high-profile sectarian incidents in the past week alone.

Of course religious persecution is nothing new in Pakistan. The vile blasphemy legislation still being used to pass death sentences against those accused of insulting Islam originated under colonial rule before being strengthened in the 1980s by dictator Zia Al-Huq. Similarly, the designation of Ahmadis as non-Muslims that is at the root of so much violence today, stems from the 1970s rule of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto – the man widely regarded as the father of Pakistani democracy.

Ironically, the discrimination so efficiently executed by Bhutto, Al-Huq and subsequent Pakistani administrations including Zardari’s, has been a response to hardliners and fanatics – intended to placate them in the name of state stability- yet in practice it has had precisely the opposite effect. Beyond directly violating the human rights of minorities, the repressive laws, just as in Indonesia, have created an environment in which extremist groups actually flourish; allowing them to destroy religious buildings and carry out brutal massacres. Ali Eteraz succinctly and accurately describes how “the blasphemy law now provides convenient protection to anyone who ever wants to kill, murder, maim, beat up, mug, abduct, or punish any religious minority. All you really have to do is carry out your brutality and then point at the victim and say that he was blasphemous.” This situation is exacerbated by the complicity of government officials and police in sectarian violence- cumulating in a desperate state of affairs where most political commentators accept that though the authorities almost certainly did not pull the trigger on Bhatti, they undoubtedly contributed to his death through demonising advocates of religious equality and encouraging inter-communal violence.

Tragically Bhatti’s murder was just one of many signs that the persecution is worsening. Statistics demonstrate that 2009 was the worst year of oppression for Pakistani Ahmadis, until ninety-four were butchered in a single massacre during 2010. The exodus of Hindus into India is also growing and violent attacks against Christian communities appeared to be stepping up even before the nation’s only Christian Minister was killed. As the USA continues drone strikes against Taliban elements in Western Pakistan, Scotland’s Cardinal Keith O’Brien has called for conditions of religious freedom to be incorporated into UK-to-Pakistan aid; yet for all this international pressure, real progress can only come from a genuine shift in the Pakistani government’s mind-set. When Zardari and his administration finally accept that religious persecution increases extremism and turmoil rather than reducing it, then maybe –for the sake of stability if nothing else – official and legislative moves towards religious plurality may finally take place. Prior amongst these must be the repeal of blasphemy laws, recognition of Ahmadis as Muslims and a thorough restructuring of the police force. However, the bigoted school of thought that has dominated Pakistani politics for over half a century remains strong, making such moves currently unforeseeable. In post-Bhatti Pakistan, the outlook for minority groups is bleaker than ever.

Indonesia and echoes of the Nazis

It is less that one month since an extremist mob barbarically murdered three members of the Ahmadiyah sect in the Banten district of Indonesia. Back then I wrote an article blaming Yudhoyono, his administration and their security apparatus for creating an environment in which such brutality was encouraged and excused…yesterday they proved this point with stunning audacity.

Firstly Commander General Ito Sumardi, the National Police Chief Detective, outrageously and baselessly claimed that the Ahmadis themselves were partly responsible, suggesting that they somehow invited the vicious beatings and stonings that cost them their lives. Such sentiments, though despicable, are hardly surprising coming from the representative of a police force that has this week been implicated in the rape and torture of an underage girl and the murder of a journalist, both in the Indonesian-occupied nation of West Papua where, like the Ahmadis, the Papuan people are treated as second class citizens.

Even more disturbing than Sumardi’s comments however, was the concurrent move by authorities in West Java to strictly curtail Ahmadiyah activities. The region’s Ahmadiyah community (the biggest in Indonesia) is now legally banned from any public visibility- including signposting its mosques and schools; whilst all followers have been formally urged to ‘re-educate’ themselves and convert to ‘mainstream’ Islam. Police officers have already begun enforcing the move by tearing down signs and patrolling outside Ahmadiyah Mosques, actions which have received vocal backing from the Attorney General, Interior Minister and Minister for Religion. Strikingly, the latter has long pushed for a stronger, complete and national ban on Ahmadiyah per se.

The stage is set therefore, for further intimidation, persecution and - in all likelihood- killings. Hardliners representing a minority of the Indonesian population marched on Tuesday demanding a strict clampdown on Ahmadiya – and they appear to have got their way. Of course many of these bigots will not stop until the religion is outlawed (or judging on the lynchings they have conducted- until more Ahmadis are slaughtered) but with the current government and security forces on side they appear to be making significant process in their sickening campaign of hatred.

Amidst such murderous and oppressive state sponsored religious discrimination it can fairly be asserted that echoes of Nazi Germany, Habyarimana’s Rwanda or Milosevic's Yugoslavia are currently resounding throughout Indonesia. Some will find such a description of the situation provocative or even offensive but it is not meant to be; this is not a comparison to the scale of the crimes carried out by these regimes– they eclipse anything that Yudhoyono’s administration has undertaken thus far – but the underlying principle is the same. Just like the Jews, Kosovars and Tutsis were at junctures in history; Ahmadis and Papuans today are being systematically dehumanised by an oppressive regime – their murders go unpunished, their identities are actively and pragmatically destroyed, they are brutalised by security forces and senior governmental figures openly seek their eradication as religious and racial groups.

As the persecution continues, the myth of Indonesian democracy is fading before our eyes.

Yudhoyono is to blame

This video is one of the most disturbing and sickening things that anyone could ever witness. I do not say that lightly.

It shows an incident from from Indonesia this past weekend weekend, in which a mob attacked the home of Ahmadiyya Muslims – a minority sect despised by many extremists. In three minutes of truly abhorrent footage the thugs literally rip apart the Ahmadies’ home, set their car alight and drag them into the street where they beat and stone them to death. They then stand around cheering, taking photos on their phones and stamping on their victims’ bodies.

It is almost impossible to watch but it must be seen…the story must be told…for this is reality facing Ahmadies in Indonesia today.

The saddest thing is that it is all so familiar. In October I wrote almost exactly the same words in an article about another video: of Indonesian soldiers cutting, burning and beating West Papuan tribesmen. Like the West Papuans, Ahmadies live in daily fear of loosing their homes, their possessions and ultimately their lives simply because of their identity and culture. Similarly appalling violence is regularly meted out Indonesia’s Christians –with one of the most horrifying incidents coming six years ago when three girls were beheaded as they walked to school.

What lies behind such barbarity? How can such a naziesque approach to race and religion exist in what is purported to be a modern and democratic state? The answer lies-at least in part- with President Yudhoyono and his government; for though sectarian and racist violence is always formally attributed to mobs, militants and rogue soldiers- it is regularly encouraged, facilitated and inadequately punished by the Indonesian authorities.

For example, the numerous attacks on Christians over recent years have come against the back-drop of state-sponsored harassment including unconstitutional church closures and a ban on home worship. Inconsistent sentencing has also followed inter-communal violence, with those who beheaded the schoolgirls sent to jail but Christians involved in reprisals sent before a firing squad.

October’s torture video was dismissed as a case of troops disobeying orders – ignoring the fact that they were only ever in West Papua as part of an occupation illegal under international law. Jail sentences of eight to ten months for those involved only confirmed the governments’ indifference to crimes where the victims are Papuan.

And this weeks repulsive murders follow a longstanding repression of Ahmadiyya worship combined with an utter failure to deal with media incitement or hate crime. Tellingly, the only police presence visible in the video is a single office who makes a half hearted attempt to dissuade one member of the mob before disappearing as the killing ensues. There is no further sign of the authorities even during the sickening celebrations as the Ahmadies lie dead. Official promises to bring the perpetrators to justice - if previous form is anything to go by – are utterly worthless.

Of course –the ultimate responsibility lies with those physically committing the torture, the attacks and the murders; but it is an inescapable fact that under Yudhoyono a environment has been created in which these are practically possible and often viewed as acceptable. Legislation degrading minority groups to the status of second class citizens inevitably gives ammunition to extremists seeking their destruction, whilst the absence of any serious preventative security or judicial consequences leaves the bigots practically free to act.

It is said that evil triumphs when good men do nothing…but Yudhoyono and his government's crimes are far worse than that. Through actively creating and maintaining a climate of hate they are as guilty as those who stoned the Ahmadies, burned the Papuans and decapitated the Christians. If justice is to be served- it must go all the way to the top.